Heritage of Hate

Preserving State's Rights to Enslave

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Slavery in the Confederate Constitution

Article I Section 7

(1) The importation of African negroes from any foreign country other than the slave-holding States of the United States, is hereby forbidden; and Congress are required to pass such laws as shall effectually prevent the same.

SPEECH AT THE PORTLAND MEETING

At the same time they proclaim war upon the slave property of the South, they ask for protection to the manufactures of the staple which could not be produced if that property did not exist. And while they assert themselves to be the peculiar friends of commerce and navigation, they vaunt their purpose to destroy the labor which gives vitality to both ; whilst they proclaim themselves the peculiar friends of laboring men at the North, they insist that the negroes are their equals ; and if they are sincere (hey would, by emancipation of the blacks, bring them together and degrade the white man to the negro level.

SPEECH IN THE CITY OF NEW YORK, Palace Garden Meeting, Oct. 19, 1858.

Who now stand arrayed against the democratic party? The relations of parties and the issues upon which we have been divided have changed. What now is the basis oi' opposition to the democratic party ? It is two-fold interference with the negroes of other people, and interference with the rights now secured to foreigners who expatriate themselves and come to our land. [" Hear, hear," and applause.] To each community belongs the right to decide for itself what institutions it will have. To each people sovereign within their own sphere, belongs, and to them only belongs, the right to decide what shall be property. You have decided it for yourselves. Who shall gainsay your decision? Mississippi has decided it for herself; who has the right to gainsay her decision? The power of each people to rule over their domestic affairs lies at the foundation of that Declaration of Independence to which you owe your existence among the nations of the earth; that declaration which led your fathers into and through the war of the revolution. It is that which constitutes to-day the doctrine of state-rights, upon which it is my pride and pleasure to stand. [Applause.] Congress has no power to determine what shall be property anywhere. Congress has only such grants as are contained in the Constitution. And the Constitution confers upon it no power to rule with despotic hand over the inhabitants of the Territories. Within the limits of those Territories, the common property of the Union, you and I are equal; we are joint owners. Each of us has the right to go into those territories, with whatever property is recognized by the Constitution of the United States.

SPEECH AT THE GRAND RATIFICATION MEETING, FANEUIL HALL Monday evening, Oct. llth, 1858.

Why, then, in the absence of all control over the subject of African slavery, are you agitated in relation to it? With Pharisaical pretension it is sometimes said it is a moral obligation to agitate, and I suppose they are going through a sort of vicarious repentance for other men's sins. [Laughter.] Who gave them a right to decide that it is a sin ? By what standard do they measure it? Not the Constitution; the Constitution recognizes the property in many forms, and imposes obligations in connection with that recognition. Not the Bible; that justifies it. Not the good of society ; for if they go where it exists, they find that society recognizes it as good. What, then, is their standard? The good of mankind? Is that seen in the diminished resources of the country? Is that seen in the diminished comfort of the world? Or is not the reverse exhibited? Is it in the cause of Christianity ? It cannot be, for servitude is the only agency through which Christianity has reached that degraded race, the only means by which they have been civilized and elevated. Or is their charity manifested in denunciation of their brethren who are restrained from answering by the contempt which they feel for a mere brawler, whose weapons are empty words?


Speeches of the Hon. Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi, delivered during the summer of 1858.

In 1857 the Indiana General Assembly moved both positively and negatively against the freedoms of the African American ex-slaves. Six years before the federal Emancipation of the slaves and 37 years after Indiana state outlawed slavery within its borders, the matter of dealing with the freed slaves was still an on-going debate. Even freed slaves were not quite free to live as they wish. What we can learn from the 39th general assembly is that the south viewed the northern freedom as mess of poverty, because the working class northerner was no better off than a southern slave. Secondly, that freed slaves in Indiana were still under sever restrictions. They were not quote equal under the law yet. Even worse, the northern state's difficulty of integrating ex-slaves into society was drawing sharp criticism from southern states who were condemning the north for allowing whites to be brought down to the level of the negros.

"Will the South give up the institution of slavery, and consent that her citizens be stripped of their property, her civilization destroyed, the whole land laid waste by fire and sword? It is impossible; she can not, she will not.

His Excellency B. Magoffin, Governor of the Commonwealth of Kentucky:

During the secession crisis in late 1860 and early 1861, five states of the lower South appointed commissioners to travel to the other slave states with the purpose of swaying their fellow Southerners to leave the Union and form a Southern Confederacy. Mississippi, Alabama, South Carolina, Georgia, and Louisiana appointed a total of fifty-five commissioners who journeyed to the farthest reaches of the South between December 1860 and April 18611

The speech printed below is from the Louisiana Secession Commissioner, George Williamson, to the people of Texas.

"Louisiana looks to the formation of a Southern confederacy to preserve the blessings of African slavery, and of the free institutions of the founders of the Federal Union, bequeathed to their posterity.


Alexander H Stephens

Our new government is founded upon exactly the opposite idea; its foundations are laid, its corner-stone rests, upon the great truth that the negro is not equal to the white man; that slavery subordination to the superior race is his natural and normal condition.

*When perfect quiet is restored, I shall proceed.

Mississippi

In the momentous step which our State has taken of dissolving its connection with the government of which we so long formed a part, it is but just that we should declare the prominent reasons which have induced our course. Our position is thoroughly identified with the institution of slavery-- the greatest material interest of the world.

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(Above image not of the actual letter)
MONTGOMERY, April 29, 1861.

Gentlemen of the Congress: It is my pleasing duty to announce to you that the Constitution framed for the establishment of a permanent Government for the Confederate States has been ratified by conventions in each of those States to which it was re-ferred.

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Slavery in the Confederate Constitution

Article I Section 7

(1) The importation of African negroes from any foreign country other than the slave-holding States of the United States, is hereby forbidden; and Congress are required to pass such laws as shall effectually prevent the same.